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Ep.258: Ben Pollara

Cannabis Economy Podcast
Ep.258: Ben Pollara

Ep.258: Ben Pollara

Ben Pollara returns to discuss the state of the cannabis economy in Florida. Of course, Florida passed an amendment to legalize medical marijuana with 71% of the vote in 2016. The legislative session just ended however with a failure to pass implementing legislation. The two houses in Florida have bi-cameral consensus to maintain the current system with both the senate and house saying new licenses need to be tied to the number of patients admitted into the program. Businesses need customers to stay in business, so from a standing start, one can see how this approach makes sense. This does ultimately mean however, that market-driven growth economy legislators counterintuitively prefer a small closed market for cannabis.

Transcript:

Speaker 1: Ben Pollara returns to discuss the state of the cannabis economy in Florida. Of course, Florida passed an amendment to legalize medical marijuana in the 71 percent of the vote in 2016 legislative session just ended. However, with a failure to pass implementing legislation, the two houses in Florida have by camel consensus to maintain the current system with both the Senate and the house saying new licenses need to be tied to the number of patients admitted into the program. Businesses need customers to stay in business, so from a standing start, one could see how this approach makes sense. This does ultimately mean however, the market driven growth economy, legislators, counterintuitively, prefer a small closed market for cannabis. Welcome to cannabis economy. I'm your host Seth Adler. Check us out on social, what the handbook can economy. That's two ends of the word economy from Florida. Ben Pollara. Ben Pollara.

Speaker 2: We're in the atrium here. Is that what you call this? I think it's, it's called an atrium because it feels like it's outdoor, but there's a roof with windows in it. If Oregon Astrodome astrodome for a hotel engineer, you can forgive engineers just way better than mine. Um, how you doing? I'm all right. All right. We got to talk about Florida. Okay. We, I, but we were just talking about, um, you know, as two humans, right? Try not to ascribe any, um, left or right to it. Just as two humans, one guy that does press and comms and knows that kind of a job function. Just seeing what's happening as far as our current administration, I guess there's a lot every day. There's so many stories all the time. How would you deal with that as like a pro? Like if you're, if you're like Sean Spicer, that's it.

Speaker 2: No, he just didn't. He just do his, uh, his army reserve tour. I mean, he must have been so grateful to be in a uniform anywhere else for those two weeks and lead a Sarah Huckabee deal with it. Um, and we'll thank him for his service. I didn't know that he was in. I think she deals better than he does. I mean, because she, there's just like a complete suspension of reality with that woman, you know, spicer you like, it feels like he is fighting the fact that he asked that, you know, suspend all basic human reality. Interesting. Okay, so there is, embraces it. I, she's embracing it. It's on message, whatever it is. Whereas he's, he's, he feels torn. What I'm trying to do, I'm trying, I come from the left and I try to be in the middle. Then that's what I'm trying to do.

Speaker 2: So if anybody listens, you understand that I have the affliction of coming from the left, but I am trying to understand what's happening. Uh, on the right. I'm trying to understand why and how people feel. So I, I read Charles Krauthammer I read, I, I, uh, saw was, you know, Pat Robertson News, but it's in relation to jeff sessions and he was saying how he thinks that the war on drugs. Two point. Oh, is a bad idea. But I saw that. Yeah, that was me and Pat Robertson drugs one point. Oh, is a bad idea. So we'll. Sure, well that's where it was proven. And uh, now here we are with a war on drugs to point out, but the Senate has come together as though they are a functioning body and they've called on him to rein it in. No, it isn't. This is the criminal justice reform, you know, recognizing that, that the war on drugs has been a failure, that, that abuse and addiction is a disease and not, and not a criminal defect is like the single bipartisan point of agreement that, that, you know, we can come through these days. It used to be like transportation right now with this, um, because uh, you know, because white people are dying from the opiate epidemic. Yeah. But yeah. So

Speaker 2: yeah, that does, uh, when kind of everybody starts to get affected when white people die, Republicans crying. I, these are straightforward comments by Ben Pollara let's, you know, they and they rhyme, so they, uh, they kinda feel good and it kind of makes sense and all that. Um, all right, so Florida, let's just talk about policy. Let's talk about what's happening. Let's talk about where we are. There was a bit of chaos. I'm not going to, we're going to hopefully touch on the personal stuff later just to make sure that we understand where everybody's at.

Speaker 1: Ben Pollara returns to discuss the state of the cannabis economy in Florida. Of course, Florida passed an amendment to legalize medical marijuana in the 71 percent of the vote in 2016 legislative session just ended. However, with a failure to pass implementing legislation, the two houses in Florida have by camel consensus to maintain the current system with both the Senate and the house saying new licenses need to be tied to the number of patients admitted into the program. Businesses need customers to stay in business, so from a standing start, one could see how this approach makes sense. This does ultimately mean however, the market driven growth economy, legislators, counterintuitively, prefer a small closed market for cannabis. Welcome to cannabis economy. I'm your host Seth Adler. Check us out on social, what the handbook can economy. That's two ends of the word economy from Florida. Ben Pollara. Ben Pollara.

Speaker 2: We're in the atrium here. Is that what you call this? I think it's, it's called an atrium because it feels like it's outdoor, but there's a roof with windows in it. If Oregon Astrodome astrodome for a hotel engineer, you can forgive engineers just way better than mine. Um, how you doing? I'm all right. All right. We got to talk about Florida. Okay. We, I, but we were just talking about, um, you know, as two humans, right? Try not to ascribe any, um, left or right to it. Just as two humans, one guy that does press and comms and knows that kind of a job function. Just seeing what's happening as far as our current administration, I guess there's a lot every day. There's so many stories all the time. How would you deal with that as like a pro? Like if you're, if you're like Sean Spicer, that's it.

Speaker 2: No, he just didn't. He just do his, uh, his army reserve tour. I mean, he must have been so grateful to be in a uniform anywhere else for those two weeks and lead a Sarah Huckabee deal with it. Um, and we'll thank him for his service. I didn't know that he was in. I think she deals better than he does. I mean, because she, there's just like a complete suspension of reality with that woman, you know, spicer you like, it feels like he is fighting the fact that he asked that, you know, suspend all basic human reality. Interesting. Okay, so there is, embraces it. I, she's embracing it. It's on message, whatever it is. Whereas he's, he's, he feels torn. What I'm trying to do, I'm trying, I come from the left and I try to be in the middle. Then that's what I'm trying to do.

Speaker 2: So if anybody listens, you understand that I have the affliction of coming from the left, but I am trying to understand what's happening. Uh, on the right. I'm trying to understand why and how people feel. So I, I read Charles Krauthammer I read, I, I, uh, saw was, you know, Pat Robertson News, but it's in relation to jeff sessions and he was saying how he thinks that the war on drugs. Two point. Oh, is a bad idea. But I saw that. Yeah, that was me and Pat Robertson drugs one point. Oh, is a bad idea. So we'll. Sure, well that's where it was proven. And uh, now here we are with a war on drugs to point out, but the Senate has come together as though they are a functioning body and they've called on him to rein it in. No, it isn't. This is the criminal justice reform, you know, recognizing that, that the war on drugs has been a failure, that, that abuse and addiction is a disease and not, and not a criminal defect is like the single bipartisan point of agreement that, that, you know, we can come through these days. It used to be like transportation right now with this, um, because uh, you know, because white people are dying from the opiate epidemic. Yeah. But yeah. So

Speaker 2: yeah, that does, uh, when kind of everybody starts to get affected when white people die, Republicans crying. I, these are straightforward comments by Ben Pollara let's, you know, they and they rhyme, so they, uh, they kinda feel good and it kind of makes sense and all that. Um, all right, so Florida, let's just talk about policy. Let's talk about what's happening. Let's talk about where we are. There was a bit of chaos. I'm not going to, we're going to hopefully touch on the personal stuff later just to make sure that we understand where everybody's at.

Speaker 2: What's all the. We're, are we as far as legalization of medical marijuana in Florida? Um, well we, we passed a amendment to legalize medical marijuana in November with 71 and one percent of the vote. The you celebrate. Well, I didn't celebrate for too long. That was otherwise a very shitty night. Um, can I say that on there? Yeah, sure. Yeah, exactly. You can say what you'd like. So yes, it was, it was a big deal. And um, and then, uh, the legislative session happened which was a, which was march through May 5th and the legislative session ended with the failure to pass implementing legislation. So let's just back up, let's try to understand what we're talking about. We've got a Republican governor, we've got Republican everything basically except for the courts in Florida. Fine. And then as far as the Republican everything, how did they or how do they see this issue?

Speaker 2: Well, that's an interesting question. Yeah, well that's why we're here. Trying to explain how a southern conservative Republican legislator sees medical marijuana is often that requires the suspension of disbelief is we were talking about earlier, there was one of them in the House of Representatives. Well, there's just a couple of things, but there's one guy in the house, representatives who in the, in the floor debate on the issue, said he didn't believe in medical marijuana like he didn't believe it existed and he proceeded to tell the story of Jose Gaspar, who is the, the fabled pirate who invaded Tampa Bay at some point, you know, uh, hundreds of years ago. This is why the Tampa Bay buccaneers are called the Tampa Bay buccaneers. Every year there's this big parade called Gasparilla and it, and it celebrates the invasion of these pirates, you know, that came in and looted the place. Was He.

Speaker 2: So He. So he said Jose Gaspar was just a fable, right? Yeah. There's no historical evidence this guy exists. And although we all think it's true that we all think it's true. And that was an. And he said that and that was his thesis on medical marijuana. Like it sounds great. It's a nice story, but I don't even believe it exists. I feel like if I was there and it's a little early sums up, I think how a lot of Republicans in Tallahassee. Fair enough. So it's a tough, which by the way, does not sum up, I, I think, how Republicans in Florida feel about medical marijuana totally understood. There is a 71 percent of the vote in an election where Donald Trump won by 100,000 votes, you know, with less than 50 percent. All right, so you've got, obviously you've got some tough voices. Uh, where is there kind of common ground where, where do you, you know, there is common ground on the fact that legislature wants to ban the smoking of marijuana.

Speaker 2: Um, there is common ground, uh, that they would like to, to build on the, the current infrastructure of the low marijuana law that was passed a few years ago. Okay. Which means all the businesses are totally soup to nuts vertically integrated, which means that, um, you know, they won a very small closed market medical marijuana businesses and that was actually one of the points of contention between the two chambers was how small enclosed. Yeah. So let's actually dive in there, right? Because this is where the rubber meets the road as they say. So, which house was for what and what house was for the other. So again, there, I think there was, you know, by cameras consensus to, to maintain the existing relatively closed system with, with vertical integration, but where they divided was the senate was of the belief that, um, you know, they, they wanted to, to maintain this pretty tightly controlled market, but create as free of a market as possible within, within those confines, meaning meaning.

Speaker 2: So there are seven existing licensed marijuana growers under the previous low thc statue. What the Senate proposed doing a was issuing 10 new licenses this year by October third, which is the deadline set forth in the amendment. And then, uh, and then five new licenses, every 75,000 patients that were added to the registry. Ooh, I like that idea of adding licenses per patient count a problem that we're having in New York where the, you know, uh, the folks that do have the licenses don't have a high enough patient count them. We want to add licenses, but we don't, we're not doing anything to necessarily add patient count. So, so that's another point of consensus between the chambers is that the industry, the businesses should grow alongside the patient count love and so one. So one of the other, one of the other proposals put forward by the Florida Senate, um, was, was a, a cap on the number of retail facilities, a kind of moving cap on the number of retail facilities that a single medical marijuana treatment center could open them.

Speaker 2: So if I was reading the newspaper, which I'm wanting to do, Ben Pollara and I saw that word cap, it was a confusing word because they were saying cap, but we're saying open system. And so what we're saying is the cap is associated as far as the Senate is concerned with patient count moving. When the patient count moves, the cap for licenses moves, am I, am I getting that right now? Correct. So the way it would have worked under the San and proposed, the final Senate proposal was each medical marijuana treatment center at the, at that time would be, would be able to open five retail locations around the state. And then, uh, every 75,000 patients that were added to the registry, they would be able to open an additional location. And so, but so it was, uh, it was about growing with the patient population, but it was also about creating as free market as possible within this, you know, relatively confined system because under the current law, right, remember there, there are seven people already authorized to do this.

Speaker 2: I'm under the current law at the low thc statute. They can do whatever the hell they want. And once they have these licenses, including an opening retail and the Miami Herald actually got their hands on some, some confidential investment prospectus documents from one of those license holders are Tara and there the, the deck that they're using to raise money and raise a lot of it. They're valuing themselves at like close to $50,000,000 at this point is based on the premise that they're going to open 55 stores over the next five years. And this whole, this whole negotiation on caps fell apart when the house offered a cap of 50 stores. Okay. So the house on the other hand, but the one I put that in perspective now that we're here, that marijuana business daily in a not quite Washington DC and everybody has padding on the back.

Speaker 2: This company at a Colorado native roots who opened their 21st store, right? That is the biggest. And then I think there was another one in Colorado has like 18. I think you mean livwell native roots is another big one. Those are the two big ones. One is 18, one is 21. Those are the biggest. Yes. And, and we're talking about companies in Florida raising money for and fighting over the ability to open 50 or $100, unlimited stores and twice, four times this master. It's insane. And, and I think that the examples of those two companies are proof that this is not actually about opening those stores. It is about raising money on the promise of being able to open those stores and potentially a, I don't want to use the word land grab, but that's actually they used that word in there in their investor perspective though, your kid I shit you not.

Speaker 2: And is there a public now? The whole, we couldn't find this deck online to Miami Herald linked to the entire thing. But there's one slide where we're, I think the sub headline is like, end the land grab continues. I, I, I can't make it up. You can't make it up. All right. So. So that was the house basically saying as I'm trying to understand, I want to make sure I'm saying the right thing. There are seven licenses. Those seven licenses will remain. We're not going to add any licenses. So the house proposal, no, it was to add a, it was to add some new licenses, but instead of doing it this year, like the Senate proposed, um, it was next July. So over a year from now. And then, and then the house likewise proposed the Senate, the Senate offered a five licenses every 75,000 patients, uh, the house wanted for every hundred thousand.

Speaker 2: Okay. Far. So let's just call that like a nebulous detail. But uh, the big difference being the time associated with when those licenses would be a big difference being the time. Um, from my perspective, the biggest thing this being the time and the caps on retail, right? And again, one more time, we would wait a year and a half before allowing anyone else other than those seven license holders to have a license and we call those seven license holders, the cartels. So now here's that other word that I kept on reading. I read cap and I read cartel because there was, that word was used a lot. Ben Pollara, I'm sure you know indeed what. So now you see that use of that word cartel as those seven license holders. Yeah, I mean it's, it's a, it's an accurate use of a use of the word now. So now let's get into the Tampa Bay times actually did a piece, you know, like a Sunday explainer piece, um, with the headline meet Florida's legal marijuana cartels.

Speaker 2: And it was not a pejorative, it was just this is what they are. Okay. So, and we can get into the definition of cartel but not bright. Now this does bring us to your old friend, Chuck Morgan, who was using the word cartel. Um, and so we're going to back into this, how was he using the word cartel? How is John using the word for it test? Didn't he use that in his texts or his, uh, he told me I made the cartels strong or in, you know, blaming me for the failure of implementing legislation and calling me a traitor or calling me Frito. Right. So, uh, with pictures with a gift of Michael Giving Frito that kids have that. Yeah. And uh, go back and look it up. It's in the godfather part two. Uh, so what was he saying? Let's do it that way. Right? Let's try to kind of understand what he meant from your perspective.

Speaker 2: When he called me Frito know the, what he was getting at with his cartel. A point of view. What was he saying? I don't know. I don't know what you're asking. He's saying that ben was helping the cartel. Oh, because I don't know what his premise was there. I guess because implementing legislation did not pass the blame that entirely on me. So just the fact that it didn't pass Ben's fault. Right. And now we are stuck with the cartel because legislation didn't pass, right? I guess that Penn's fault, the point in shore. Okay, fine. And I will do my best to talk to John and, you know, kind of bridge the gap of a, of information here so that we, you know, kind of come to some semblance of whatever the hell is happening. Is that though what is happening now? In other words, when discussion began again, when can we get another crack at this?

Speaker 2: Or is this up to, you know, now the regulator. So the answers are not entirely clear on that one yet. Okay. Um, so there has been growing calls for a special session, which, which may or may not happen in the next couple of weeks. Um, there, uh, there must be a special session if the governor vetoes all or certain portions of the budget. Is that expected? Uh, it is expected that he will issue vetoes. It is, it seems likely that he will veto either all or portions of the budget that will require a special session. Another, another corleone, by the way, Vito. But that's, it was great to keep things light, um, but okay, so that happened. So if, if, if they were sent back there, uh, to deal with budgetary stuff, they will almost certainly, you know, add medical marijuana to, to that special session call. So that's a maybe.

Speaker 2: And if that does not happen, if that does not happen, the Department of Health will have to issue rules by July third and begin implementing them by October third. Um, there are a number of, uh, administrative challenge periods associated with the rulemaking process. Um, and then there's also litigation that would, that would likely occur after the rulemaking process ends. Okay. So administrative challenges, that sounds like where, I mean the cannabis kind of advocate activist can potentially jump in, is that right? Or I think probably the activist advocate jumps in during the rule making process. You know, it's, it's a public regulatory process. They do a comment period or recommend period, you know, I think that that's the place for the average citizen to weigh in on this. And so without the administrative challenge periods, I mean they're really, they're their administrative judicial challenges, right? I mean, there they're a legal proceeding of some sort of fair enough, so public comment, which is the same all over the country.

Speaker 2: Um, I jump in and without using the word cartel, I feel like I feel like that's a word we should kind of stopped using. Maybe it's not helpful. I don't think so. It's descriptive. It is descriptive. But in terms of a Kumbaya type situation, it's not helpful. I don't think you have to agree to disagree. That's fair enough. That's very many months. Not using the word. I've embraced it again, here. Now you're leaning in to the born again, cartel. Um, but if I, you know, if I like the idea of associating licenses with the number of patients because I have lived in New York and I know that the licenses need patients to survive. However, I don't like the idea of only seven people being in an industry. Right. And public comment begins. What might I want to be doing? Who might I want to be talking to?

Speaker 2: Um, well you'd be talking to the, to the Florida Department of Health, uh, the office of Compassionate use, um, the organization that I lead, Florida for care, uh, is, is going to have, is going to be engaged in that process as we were when they did a series of town hall meetings across the state in, uh, in February. So you can go to Florida for Care Dot Oregon and, you know, we'll keep folks updated on that process. What legislators understanding this is outside of the legislature now. But, and, and our, our really, our job is to work with the regulators again, if the budget thing doesn't happen. Yeah. But here, here's the other thing. Yeah. Um, the, the legislature in their infinite wisdom a few years ago decided that they wanted more time during election years to raise money. Sure. So in a, in a nonelection year, legislative session begins in March. In election years. It begins in January.

Speaker 2: So this coming session starts very, very soon. Uh, it starts at the beginning of January, which means committees start meeting in September, October. The next session is just literally around the corner, you know, three or four months away for, for certain purposes. So I hear you. So it's a podcast line, so it's probably sooner than that. Uh, and so what legislators to that end, what legislators do I want to be calling who do wrap it? I need to be represented, right? They need to be my representative, but who, who do we, who, who kind of gets it that we don't need to call and who is almost there that we absolutely should be calling. No, they all, they all need to be called in and you need to call your representative. And that's that. And that's it. Yeah, I mean, and on, uh, on the Florida for care website, we, we, we purchased this, this really cool new piece of software called rocket lobby from giving a shout out to my friend Kevin Kate, who's a WHO's a communications and media guy in Florida who built this software.

Speaker 2: Yes. And we make it as easy as possible to plug in your address and send personalized emails to both your representative and your senator to just to call them right from the, from the mobile app, but it really, unless you're going to tallahassee to spend a couple of days that they're lobbying legislators. Talk to your folks if you. If, if a legislator gets an email from somebody who's not in their district or even looks like they're not in the district, they're responding to. Exactly. But otherwise they, they read them. Yeah, I know it's counter intuitive to to mail someone or to connect with someone that is not your representative. Only connect with your representative. It's just, it's a waste of your time and their time and they'll throw it away. Exactly like they're good ones. We'll forward it if they know whose district you're in, they'll forward it to that person maybe, but for the most part they just trash it.

Speaker 2: They have no obligation to do anything with it. Emails, work letters, work, phone calls, definitely work and dropping by without question works. I've spoken with a few representatives, a few elected officials, you know, both state and a nation, you know, federal who all say that that is true. Do call me, do drop by, do, send a letter and do send an email. And phone calls are the most noticed. Um, personalized emails are good. We, uh, with, with the software that we use, we don't let people do copy and paste emails then. That's fair enough. We don't even thank you if we don't even make it an option. Yeah. Good. Personalized email is good. Um, and yeah, showing up for sure, especially a, you know, one of the things we tell people is if you've got a compelling personal story that is useful in making your point, use it.

Speaker 2: And so that's, that's especially useful when you're sitting there looking somebody in the eye caps associated with patient count, right. And no limit on who can have a license. Correct. Yeah. Both, both associated with patient count. Sure. But I'm saying it's more than the seven people that can have a license, that's all I care. Correct. Correct. Um, okay. Good. So I feel like you and I agree at least, right. I think most people who care about this industry in this issue. Yeah, mostly mostly agree with the position on here. I mean, listen, they were both bad choices, you know, in a, in an ideal world, we would have had it, you know, a free market approach where, you know, it's not mandatory vertical integration. You can, if you want to just be a distributor or a process or you can do that, but that's not the world we live in.

Speaker 2: And so, um, you know, I happen to think of a freer market is better for patients because it provides a great, provides more competition and more choices. Totally. People compete on price and customer service and, and, you know, variety. Um, I think we have a as free of a market as possible within this relatively closed market that the state wants to do. Yeah. Um, now let's just get back to John Morgan. Okay. And understand where if you, and I agree, I think I spoke to John, I feel like he would agree with what we're talking about. Right? I mean, as far as the, he doesn't, what does he not agree with and from, from your perspective, I mean his position on this, um, which, which evolved very late in this session. He mostly did not participate in the conversation in Tallahassee. Right? Um, his position on this was more stores are better.

Speaker 2: Right? And it doesn't matter if there's no matter who's charged with 2000 stores in the stores, run by three companies is better than, you know, 500 stores run by 50 companies. And I, and I disagree with that. Fair enough. And potentially there could be some evolution on that thinking hopefully. Yeah. And I think, listen, I think that's a fair, it's a fair point. Um, but what's, what's not fair with what he said, what, what the house set on this is calling it a free market right now. None of this is a free market. That's not a free market. So that brings us back to the cartel word, right? It's not a free market if only seven people are allowed to do it. Right. And they've said, oh, well they'll be competition among the seven. Yeah, there will be. Yeah. And that's all. It will eliminate some of them, so it won't be seven, it'll be like three to five.

Speaker 2: And so we're talking about, we're not talking about real competition and we're talking about, you know, citgo versus Texaco versus bp at, by the way is a cartel tech technical I OPEC is a cartel by definition. You know what OPEC has price controls and production quotas. Right. So, so you're right there. No, that's fine. Here's the thing, it's an emotional situation, right? Because all we're trying to do is get medicine to patients and uh, you know, sometimes ego gets involved, sometimes legislators get involved, sometimes regulators get involved in some of those things need to be involved in some of those things. Maybe you shouldn't be involved. Is that fair? Sure. Hard to disagree with that. Yeah. Um, alright. So that's Florida and you know, as far as the timeline is concerned, call your representative right now is basically what you're saying. Well, call them right now, uh, and urge them to call for a special session.

Speaker 2: Yeah. So we want that special session. We don't want to just do it through public comment, uh, with the regulators know, I mean listen to why not because the department of Health has proved themselves to be totally incompetent, uh, in the execution of, of medical marijuana laws over the past three years. That's fair. So we do want that special session. We need that special sense. Yes. We need that specialist special. Part of it is, um, you know, the, the Department of Health has three staff people working on this. There was, there was funding for like 30 new positions under the proposed legislation. Um, you know, right now there was, there was less than 2000 patients in the registry at the end of last year. I heard yesterday was getting close to 20,000. They just from like a customer service point of view for, for patients issuing ID cards. I mean the department is simply not going to be able to handle what's, what's coming here.

Speaker 2: So, so we gotta help them out as far as who can call for the special session. So, um, special session happens two ways. Either the speaker of the house and the president of the Senate both turn the keys on the nuclear submarine. Who are those two people just in case there's a guy named Richard Corcoran and the president of the Senate is a guy named Joe Negron. They're both, they're both lawyers. A corcoran is from like the Greater Tampa Bay area and uh, and that grant is from kind of like the gold coast. I'm east coast, Middle East Coast of Florida. So if I'm in those districts, absolutely certainly stopped listening, go call right or, but, or call your representative and say, hey, tell the speaker to call a special session and call your senator and say, hey, tell the senate president to call the specialist Ashen equally as valuable as what your plus.

Speaker 2: Yeah, yeah, absolutely. Okay. All right. Any other advice to voters to patient advocates to, uh, citizens of Florida? I mean, my advice is to just kind of hang in there, right? I mean, I know this is, this is on the outside is very frustrating and uh, and on the inside it's even more so. Um, but, uh, but this will happen whether it's a special session or rule making or litigation or the next session, or a combination of all of the above. Um, you know, medical marijuana is, is coming to Florida in a real way, um, and uh, and, and the will have 71 percent of voters I think will be fulfilled here and, and, and will be soon. Um, I think it's happening in fits and starts, but you know, it's happening. And, and this train has left the station, you know, they can, they can screw it up here and there, but they can't, they can't put the toothpaste back in the tube.

Speaker 2: So just hang in there a little while longer. There we go. Ben Pollara, I, uh, by uh, wishes for you to do the same. Right, sir, I appreciate it. Day at a time. That's it. Uh, you take the good, you take the bad. You take a both in there. You have. Oh no, that's the facts of life. That's a different sitcom from the eighties or maybe even late seventies. Who knows? Oh, I was using alcoholics anonymous. What was it one day at a time? Oh, one day. I'm not in the program, so I was neither mine. Okay. But it's good to have some good lines. Good advice. No matter what. Ben, do you have a soundtrack song for a, you know, for today, for any day, for you know, a song that's just got to be on there on the soundtrack of your life, on the soundtrack a gave you Wu Tang last time. Go the opposite direction. A Leonard Cohen, the partisan Ben Pollara always thinking, thank you so much sir. Thank you. And there you have Ben Pollara.

Speaker 1: Very interesting. I didn't catch it until I was editing. He said that he does disagree with just kind of leaving it up to the market, you know, 100 percent, which is what he said to John Morgan's point of view is. So I can't wait to talk to John and then maybe even talk to Ben again. Anyway, thanks for listening. Stay tuned.

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Cannabis Economy is a real-time history of legal cannabis. We chronicle how personal and industry histories have combined to provide our current reality.